SRINAGAR: Among many other things, Prime Minister Narendra Modi is expected to pedal an independent foreign policy, dealing with traditionally troubling neighbors, Sri Lanka and Pakistan, rather more authoritatively than his predecessor Manmohan Singh. This was borne out by the fact that despite ripples in Tamil Nadu he went ahead with his plans to have SAAR leaders on his beside during his inaugural as Indias 15th prime minister.
In October last year, the Prime Ministers Office was in a tizzy. The Ministry of External Affairs as well as the security establishment was keen that PM Manmohan Singh attend the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) in Colombo in November.
A highly placed official had then said, The PM is keen too. We believe leverage can only come through engagement with Mahinda Rajpaksa. The problem are the parties from Tamil Nadu, as well as some senior ministers from the state, who fear for their electoral fortunes. Let us see if the Dr Singh succumbs or stays on course. The PM succumbed to pressure, did not go for the meet, and instead sent External Affairs Minister Salman Khurshid.
Compared with how Narendra Modi has acted, even before taking oath, Manmohan Singhs authority seem too shackled to appear decisive. Modi decided he wanted SAARC leaders to be a part of Mondays ceremony, passed on instructions, and the MEA implemented it. Tamil Nadu chief minister J Jayalalithaa expressed her unhappiness at President Rajpaksa being invited. While Modi is known to have good personal ties with her and could do with AIADMK support in the Rajya Sabha, he paid no heed. Neither did complaints by NDA ally Vaiko make Modi budge. He established a clear line – no one would be allowed to exercise veto on foreign policy, and the PM would remain the centre of decision-making.
The decisiveness was also in play with the invitation to Pakistan PM, Nawaz Sharif. If it was southern parties who would have an issue with Sri Lankas presence, Modis own support base – including the RSS – could have frowned upon such a move, especially since it came after a campaign marked by belligerence against Islamabad. But not only did Modi not let such calculations deter him, he also ensured that hard line elements of the Sangh even welcomed the move.
The last time PM Singh asserted his authority on matters relates to foreign policy was during the nuclear deal. But the Modi era will be marked by the clear dominance of the PM on external relations. With his invitation, Modi has already sent a message to his party, his allies, states, Delhis bureaucracy, and the region at large that he is the man in charge, the man who would take the final call.
Hours before participating in Modis inauguration, Sharif told Indias premier media outlets that he was carrying a message of goodwill, love and friendship for the Indian people.
I am here to turn a new page in India-Pakistan relations, said the Pakistan prime minister who had fought off stiff opposition from hardliners in his country to make the trip to India. He will hold a bilateral meeting with Modi on Tuesday.
We (India and Pakistan) have a historic moment to open a new chapter. The new government under Mr Modi has a strong mandate and I look forward to picking up the relationship from where I and (Atal Bihari) Vajpayee left it in 1999.
In February 1999, then Prime Minister Vajpayee crossed the border at Wagah for summit-level talks with Sharif, raising hopes of lasting peace between the two countries, but relations nosedived soon after with the two sides fighting a short but brutal war on the heights of Kargil.
I am regarded as a friend of businessmen and we are regarded as a business-friendly government. Modi too is perceived as a business-friendly person. He has a model of development, Sharif said adding, We can easily work with each other.
From time to time, leaders from both sides have identified boosting business and trade as a way to reduce hostility. In particular, Pakistans crippling energy deficit has been viewed as a lucrative opportunity for Indian businesses.
Indeed, Indian companies such as the Adani Group have proposed producing electricity to be sold to Pakistan. But such proposals have not taken off. On Monday, Sharif once again reminded Indian businesses of such opportunities.
I will be happy to have Indians invest in Pakistan. We have an acute shortage of energy. If Indians come, they will find Pakistani markets very attractive, with returns as high as 30 percent. Sharif said.
Asked if he was willing to give an assurance that terrorism would no longer be sponsored from Pakistani soil, a point likely to be taken up at the bilateral meeting between him and Modi, the Pakistani premier struck a positive note.
We have lost thousands of lives. Our economy has suffered at the hands of terrorists. Who can be more serious than us regarding eliminating terror from the region, Sharif said, seated in the VIP suite at Delhis Taj Mansingh hotel.
Sharif took care to avoid answering any questions relating to his relationship with his army chief or statements issued by jihadi hardliners such as Hafiz Saeed, who had warned the Pakistani premier against coming to India.
We have strong mandates on both sides and need to look forward.
Let us focus on opening a new chapter and remove fears and misgivings about each other, he said.
On Tuesday, both leaders will have a brief courtesy meeting. But it will be significant given the reconciliatory air created by the newly found bonhomie triggered by Narendra Modi.
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