So it took me a heavy dose of homesickness complimented with the surge of nostalgia to realize that ever since I had the slightest insight of politics and the political space in Kashmir, the term Sadr-e-Riyasat had been striking a chord in me.
The people in Kashmir are rather more apt to show interest in politics, more specifically in the concept of abnegating it. Given the horrors that the conflict unfolded, people do want at some point in time to feel in control of the happenings. Or maybe just the absence of being in a never-ending stance of constraint.
But what held this term so dear to me? What made me so interested? Was it just the sound of it, or maybe the authority therein? Maybe the answer lied in the deprivation. The mere absence of an entity makes people crave for it more! And this deprivation has been known to unfurl the most powerful of insurrections. Who knows deprivation like the Kashmiris do!
The bloodcurdling conflict has an uncanny ability to toy with people, their actions, their prejudices and even at times rare, dreams. And this goes beyond storytelling. The frantic attempts to rescue an entire population have been mostly cosmetic, not to mention the extent they pushed people further to at times. The people have endured misconduct at all levels possible- physical, psychological and emotional. So much so that people have stopped whining about it
Getting back to what Kashmiris glorify and at times curse is the history behind the post of Sadr-e-Riyasat. Till 30 March 1965, Kashmir had its two prominent posts- Wazir-e-Azam (Prime Minister) and the other being Sadr-e-Riyasat (President) which were later replaced with Chief Minister and Governor respectively. It was this ill-starred day that the autonomy, that people had been cherishing, withered away and the mass sentiment was set at naught.
So how did this demotion of titles come about? It was after The Constitution of Jammu & Kashmir (Sixth Amendment) Act 1965 amended the State Constitution and replaced Sadri Riyasat by Governor.
Prior to this, Meher Chand Mahajan, Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah, Bakhshi Ghulam Muhammad, Khwaja Shamsuddin and Ghulam Muhammad Sadiq had served as Wuzra-e-Azam of the State while Karan Singh was Sadr-e-Riyasat. But once the amendment was made in 1965, Ghulam Muhammad Sadiq and Karan Singh got demoted and became the first Chief Minister and Governor of the State respectively.
However, what is more intriguing is the fact that the amendment not only changed the nomenclature but also the founding premise on which the post of Sadr-e-Riyasat is based.
The post of Sadr-e-Riyasat, an elective, as is provided in Section 27 of the constitution, was to be elected by people of the State through their representatives in State Legislatures. The amendment provided that the post, now called the governor, is to be appointed by the President, unlike earlier times.
This was a historical amendment as it did away with the constitutional autonomy of the state.The move was quoted ‘unconstitutional by the High Court of Jammu and Kashmir’, given that the amendment meant to change the basic structure of the constitution. The High Court observed, The elective status of head of the state (Sadr-e-Riyasat) was an important attribute of constitutional autonomy enjoyed by the state, a part of the basic framework of the state constitution and therefore not within the amending power of the state legislature.
The court, however, left it to the legislatures to turn things around. Did the state legislature take it forward? Apart from belligerent debates, a foot-stomping no is the answer!
Yet again, Kashmiris took a shellacking, not knowing the future consequences thereof. The amendment, though seemingly a slight change of names, hit the state autonomy quite hard as now the two posts were commensurate with other states. This undermined the special status that the state of Jammu and Kashmir had been endowed with.
The conflict made it almost impossible for some posts to be pursued. This, most visibly, left a vacuum only to grow stronger with the sixth amendment adding to the desperation.
There were a few passionate attempts to turn the wheel back, yet in vain as the dispensation could never make the move again. People in Kashmir have realized over time where the real might lies.
So who do I blame for snatching the dream, a dream to serve my land? Could it be the people for instance, or should I point fingers at the dispensation who outrightly rejected the bill to revive the prestigious title of Sadr-e- Riyasat? Or should I put the blame on myself for dreaming of something so improbable?
With the sixth amendment, was amended a dream that I was yet to dream of -Becoming the Sadr-e-Riyasat of Kashmir someday!
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