The Imperfect Dichotomy

By Prerna Bhat

“Beyi yi wathwo, bey yi saet, asih kyah chhu door karaan?”

(Translation: Let us sit together again, let us walk together – what is it that keeps us apart?)

For decades, the bond between Kashmiri Pandits and Kashmiri Muslims was one of deep cultural and social interweaving, marked by shared traditions, language, and values. This brotherhood, however, has faced continuous strain due to government policies that have historically manipulated the region’s demographics, politics, and communal harmony for strategic gains. What began as administrative decisions gradually turned into policies that not only deepened the rift but also ensured that mistrust remained embedded in the psyche of both communities. Today, this divide is not just a relic of the past but an ongoing strategy, executed in ways that remain largely unnoticed by the rest of the world.

The most significant rupture occurred in 1990 when the targeted killings and threats forced thousands of Kashmiri Pandits to flee the Valley. This exodus was a tragedy, but what is often left unspoken is how the establishment responded to it – not by bridging the divisions but by exploiting them. The displacement of an entire community should have been a moment for reconciliation, yet no serious attempt was made to ensure that Pandits could return safely. Instead, they were resettled in isolated camps, kept away from their homeland, with little effort to reintegrate them into Kashmiri society. Their suffering became a tool, used repeatedly in political discourse while no real measures were taken to heal the wounds of separation.

For Kashmiri Muslims, the 1990s were marked by a different kind of suffering – one that saw crackdowns, disappearances, mass incarcerations, and a general atmosphere of fear under militarization (ongoing). While the Pandits were forced to leave, Muslims in the Valley were left to navigate a landscape of constant suspicion and violence. The government did not just fail to protect the Pandits but also ensured that Kashmiri Muslims bore the brunt of being perceived as the “other,” held responsible for a tragedy that had more to do with the breakdown of governance than with inter-community hostility.

The years that followed saw a systematic effort to ensure that Kashmiri Pandits remained outside Kashmir rather than being reintegrated with dignity. Plans for their return were repeatedly announced but never implemented. The promised townships, jobs, and security measures remained largely on paper, leaving displaced Pandits in a perpetual state of uncertainty. Meanwhile, successive governments continued to portray the exodus as an unhealed wound, not with the intention of addressing it but to use it as a justification for their heavy-handed policies in Kashmir.

In the present day, the divide remains, reinforced by new policies that subtly work against reconciliation. The abrogation of Article 370 in 2019 was presented as a move to bring Kashmir into the national mainstream, yet its actual impact has been to deepen alienation. Instead of fostering an inclusive dialogue that could bring both Pandits and Muslims together, it was implemented in a manner that sidelined Kashmiri voices altogether. Decisions affecting the region are now made without its people, further disempowering both communities and ensuring that they remain at odds with each other rather than questioning the state’s role in their shared predicament.

The government’s handling of Kashmiri Pandit concerns continues to be performative rather than substantive. Political parties, especially those in power, invoke the exodus only during election campaigns, using it as a tool to justify their policies in the region. Yet, no real progress has been made toward safe, voluntary repatriation. Pandits who do return are often placed in segregated housing, reinforcing the very separation that needs to be dismantled. Meanwhile, Kashmiri Muslims continue to bear the burden of military presence and surveillance, their loyalty to the state constantly questioned.

The most damaging aspect of this state-driven divide is how it has shaped narratives about Kashmir. In mainstream discourse, the story of Kashmiri Pandits is often framed as one of victimhood at the hands of their Muslim neighbors, ignoring the broader political context in which the exodus took place. On the other hand, Kashmiri Muslims are viewed with suspicion, their grievances dismissed as propaganda. This selective storytelling ensures that both communities remain alienated from each other, unable to reclaim the brotherhood that once defined them.

What remains largely unnoticed is the deliberate strategy behind this division. A united Kashmir – where Pandits and Muslims stand together demanding justice for all – poses a challenge to the state’s control over the region. Keeping them apart ensures that their struggles remain separate, their voices fragmented. Instead of acknowledging the shared suffering inflicted by years of conflict, the government has encouraged a narrative of polarization, where Kashmiri Pandits are seen as victims and Kashmiri Muslims as aggressors. The reality, however, is far more complex. Both communities have suffered, although in different ways, but both still continue to bear the weight of decisions made far from their homeland.

The path to reconciliation is not through government-mandated schemes but through genuine, grassroots efforts that allow Pandits and Muslims to reconnect beyond the imposed narratives. The government has consistently failed to facilitate this, choosing instead to capitalize on divisions. It is only when both communities recognize that their true struggle is not against each other but against the forces that benefit from their separation that the possibility of genuine peace can emerge. Until then, the state’s invisible hand will continue to dictate the terms of their fractured existence, keeping them apart not by force but by a carefully constructed illusion of irreconcilable differences.

• The author is pursuing MA Mass Communication (2nd Semester) from AJK Mass Communication Research Centre, Jamia Millia Islamia

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