The internal churning within the Muslim community has left the youth divided. And the ripple effect of Islamic policy decisions which the petro-dollar rich monarchies in the Middle East arrive at just before Milad-un-Nabi, the birth anniversary of Prophet Muhammad, are being felt in India.
While the politically dominant Salafi ideology, calling to a “puritanical” form of Islam, in Saudi Arabia maintains that Milad is an innovation, a ritual not practiced by the Prophet and therefore like any ordinary day, and vehemently discourages celebrations, the United Arab Emirates has declared the occasion a paid holiday.
It is before Milad that scholars from the United States of America and Europe, mostly of Arab origin, have begun arriving in the country and passionately defending these contradicting stands. And with their co-ideologists from the Indian sub-continent in tow, they have only deeply entrenched the melee of Muslim youth, within the country and without.
The fallout of this distinct demarcation is paradoxical: the lines dividing schools of thought have become blurred, at times inadvertently and at times deliberately. And in the context of Milad-un-Nabi, the deobandis have been inaccurately portrayed as Salafis or Wahabis.
It is only natural that the term Salafi conjures to mind the popular perception of the belief system. That of homogeneity and rigidity as practiced in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. A victim of generalisation is the Jamaat-e-Islami Hind (JIH), a socio-political Islamic group with a pan-India presence.
Though the JIH is opposed to pomp and show in celebrating Milad, it does acknowledge the Prophet’s birth anniversary celebrations, unlike the Salafis. It is also pertinent to point out that the JIH leadership also believes that the Iranian Revolution was a need of the time, a change from monarchy.
This is a contrast to the exclusionary stand of the hardliner Salafis who largely do not consider Shiites as Muslims. Similarly, the Tableeghi Jamat (TJ), a non-political but Islamic evangelical organisation, too has been accused of advocating intolerant Wahabism, when in fact, TJ’s early leadership is believed to have had distinct streaks of Sufism.
These opposing agendas have given rise to the mushrooming of maraakiz, or centres, of organisations across the country. The playing field is vast. And as a result, many scholars from other countries have reached Indian shores, seeking to make the most of the situation. Strength in numbers has become the new game plan of each group.
The tone was set a couple of years ago by controversial Canada based Pakistani scholar Tahir-ul-Qadri. A vociferous proponent of celebrating Milad, Qadri continues to peddle his brand of Islam through his organisation Minhaj-ul-Quran by means of recorded lectures and literature.
In another such instance, a group of young professionals from the city invited Shaykh Muhammad bin Yahya an-Ninowy, a Syrian born American Sufi scholar. His visit is expected to be followed by that of Mufti Ismail Menk, a Zimbabwean scholar, subscribing to an opposing school of thought, next month. He will be arriving in the country on the invitation of a group associated with the Mumbai-based Islamic tele-evangelist Dr Zakir Naik, believed to be a Wahabi.
This agenda presents differences as irreconcilable and has triggered the struggle for a control of mosques. Surprisingly, the details are being shared with representatives of western governments, often without putting the situation in the proper perspective. Each group is trying to be in the good books of these governments with claims of promoting the catchphrases of “love” and “tolerance”.
Given the geo-political scenario across the Middle East and Asia, including the Indian subcontinent, it is undeniable that the western governments have an interest in the fluctuating beliefs within the Muslim community. They very well understand that, Salafis and Sufism, among others, have their set of radicals as well as pacifists. But, they have done little to make this understanding clear for it suits their foreign policy requirements.
Despite the fact that some voices of reason have issued from moderates, an overwhelming number of Muslims, the accusatory finger of being silent still points in their general direction.
A widespread belief is that these moderates have failed to rise up to the occasion and contain fanaticism. And if they are so large in number, how is it that their voices are being drowned in the din of extremism?
While the fear of a backlash from within the community is the oft-cited reason, many fail to realise that it is the religious leaders who have left the youth dazed, confused and mute. –Syed Mohammed in the Times of India
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